$500m of US food aid lost to waste and company profit, says Oxfam

World Food Programme wheat is unloaded from a US navy helicopter in Pakistan. Photograph: Paula Bronstein/Getty Images
World Food Programme wheat is unloaded from a US navy helicopter in Pakistan. Photograph: Paula Bronstein/Getty Images

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Guardian

guardian.co.uk, Friday 30 March 2012 09.55 EDT

 

Nearly $500m of US food aid is lost to waste, inefficiency and the profit margins of big American agribusiness, according to a report by aid groups urging reforms on how US food aid is sourced and delivered.

Oxfam America and the American Jewish World Service (AJWS), which published the report on Thursday, estimate more than 17 million more hungry people could have been reached by US-funded programmes in 2010 if "anachronistic" restrictions contained in the US farm bill had been lifted.

 

The US provides roughly 50% of food aid globally at an estimated annual cost of $2bn. But unlike many other major donors, virtually all American food aid is "tied" and must be bought from US suppliers and transported on US ships – even if there are cheaper alternatives.

 

The report urges Congress to relax these restrictions and curtail "monetisation" schemes, where aid agencies are given US food to sell off in developing countries to finance their projects. Such reforms to the farm bill, which covers the bulk of US food aid programmes and is up for reauthorisation this year, could pay "enormous anti-hunger dividends" for those most in need, says the report, while saving millions in taxpayers' money.

 

"Food aid is a vital part of US foreign policy, but we are shortchanging millions of hungry people with unnecessary red tape," said the AJWS director of advocacy, Timi Gerson, in a statement. "US policies are ripe for reforms that will save lives now and reduce the need for aid later by enabling local farmers to thrive."

 

January 2012 study by agricultural economists at Cornell University found that buying food products locally leads to average cost-savings of more than 50% for cereals like wheat, and almost 25% for pulses like peas and lentils. However, it found that some processed foods like vegetable oil are potentially cheaper to buy and ship from the US.

 

The study also estimated that procuring food locally, or distributing cash or vouchers, results in an average time-saving of nearly 14 weeks. It suggested a more flexible approach to food aid programmes, with aid agencies allowed to choose between food aid shipped from the US, locally or regionally purchased supplies, vouchers and cash transfers, depending on the situation and specific objectives.

 

The Oxfam/AJWS report acknowledged there may be limits to the amount of food aid that should be bought locally. In some cases, such as food aid destined for nearby Latin American countries, shipping costs could be relatively low, and some products might actually be cheaper to buy in the US. It also warned that in certain situations the stress placed on local markets by food aid procurement "could drive food price inflation, pushing the costs of food beyond the reach of local consumers".

 

Congress should, however, put an immediate end to the monetisation of food aid, it said. In 2010, aid agencies received more than $300m in US food to sell off in developing countries to finance their projects. The report estimates that just over $90m was lost in the process, as aid agencies often have to, or choose to, sell supplies below cost.

 

Lawmakers should cut this "circuitous, inefficient route" to funding development projects and hand cash directly to aid agencies rather than via US agribusiness, said the report, arguing that such schemes not only reduce the effectiveness of US aid programmes but can also undercut developing country farmers by flooding markets with US commodities.

 

Eric Munoz, senior policy advisor at Oxfam America, said while there is a growing body of evidence that US food aid policies carry significant financial and human costs, pushing through reforms means competing with powerful business and political interests "who all benefit from the current system and support the status quo".

 

In 2010 about 40% of US-funded food aid was purchased from just three companies, he said. Meanwhile, as current regulations require at least 75% of American food aid to be shipped on US-flagged vessels, "this is essentially a subsidy to the [shipping] industry and so they also have a very strong interest to maintain the current system", Munoz added.

 

Earlier this year, the US agency for international development (USAid) revised its procurement regulations to allow the agency to buy most goods and services from developing countries. But US-funded food aid – along with motor vehicles and US-patented pharmaceuticals – was not covered by these changes.

 

Munoz hopes the current financial climate might help push congressional officials to also reconsider long-standing food aid policies. "There is a growing recognition that we need to make the best uses of the resources available," he said. "And business as usual will certainly not make a difference in the lives of hungry people."


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Comments: 1
  • #1

    Grape Leaves Rolls in USA (Sunday, 06 August 2017 08:03)

    Thanks for sharing the post.. parents are worlds best person in each lives of individual..they need or must succeed to sustain needs of the family.

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A Look At 19th Century Children In The USA

PHILADELPHIA — DINNER with your children in 19th-century America often required some self-control. Berry stains in your daughter’s hair? Good for her. Raccoon bites running up your boy’s arms? Bet he had an interesting day.

 

As this year’s summer vacation begins, many parents contemplate how to rein in their kids. But there was a time when Americans pushed in the opposite direction, preserved in Mark Twain’s cat-swinging scamps. Parents back then encouraged kids to get some wildness out of their system, to express the republic’s revolutionary values.

The New York Times

Sunday Review

By JON GRINSPAN MAY 31, 2014

 

A late 19th century family taking a stroll down a set of railroad tracks
A late 19th century family taking a stroll down a set of railroad tracks

American children of the 19th century had a reputation. Returning British visitors reported on American kids who showed no respect, who swore and fought, who appeared — at age 10 — “calling for liquor at the bar, or puffing a cigar in the streets,” as one wrote. There were really no children in 19th-century America, travelers often claimed, only “small stuck-up caricatures of men and women.”

 

This was not a “carefree” nation, too rough-hewed to teach proper manners; adults deliberately chose to express new values by raising “go-ahead” boys and girls. The result mixed democracy and mob rule, assertiveness and cruelty, sudden freedom and strict boundaries. Visitors noted how American fathers would brag that their disobedient children were actually “young republicans,” liberated from old hierarchies. Children were still expected to be deferential to elders, but many were trained to embody their nation’s revolutionary virtues. “The theory of the equality” was present at the ballot box, according to one sympathetic Englishman, but “rampant in the nursery.”

 

Boys, in particular, spent their childhoods in a rowdy outdoor subculture. After age 5 or so they needed little attention from their mothers, but were not big enough to help their fathers work. So until age 10 or 12 they spent much of their time playing or fighting.

 

The writer William Dean Howells recalled his ordinary, violent Ohio childhood, immersed in his loose gang of pals, rarely catching a “glimpse of life much higher than the middle of a man.” Howells’s peers were “always stoning something,” whether friends, rivals or stray dogs. They left a trail of maimed animals behind them, often hurt in sloppy attempts to domesticate wild pets.

 

And though we envision innocents playing with a hoop and a stick, many preferred “mumbletypeg” — a game where two players competed to see who could throw a knife closer to his own foot. Stabbing yourself meant a win by default.

 

Left to their own devices, boys learned an assertive style that shaped their futures. The story of every 19th-century empire builder — Carnegie, Rockefeller, Vanderbilt — seems to begin with a striving 10-year-old. “Boy culture” offered training for the challenges of American manhood and a reprieve before a life of labor.

 

But these unsupervised boys also formed gangs that harassed the mentally ill, the handicapped and racial and ethnic minorities. Boys played an outsize role in the anti-Irish pogroms in 1840s Philadelphia, the brutal New York City draft riots targeting African-Americans during the Civil War and attacks on Chinese laborers in Gilded Age California. These children did not invent the bigotry rampant in white America, but their unrestrained upbringing let them enact what their parents mostly muttered.

 

Their sisters followed a different path. Girls were usually assigned more of their mothers’ tasks. An 8-year-old girl would be expected to help with the wash or other physically demanding tasks, while her brother might simply be too small, too slow or too annoying to drive the plow with his father. But despite their drudgery, 19th-century American girls still found time for tree climbing, bonfire building and waterfall-jumping antics. There were few pretty pink princesses in 19th-century America: Girls were too rowdy and too republican for that.

 

So how did we get from “democratic sucklings” to helicopter parents? Though many point to a rise of parental worrying after the 1970s, this was an incremental change in a movement that began a hundred years earlier.

 

In the last quarter of the 19th century, middle-class parents launched a self-conscious project to protect children. Urban professionals began to focus on children’s vulnerabilities. Well-to-do worriers no longer needed to raise tough dairymaids or cunning newsboys; the changing economy demanded careful managers of businesses or households, and restrained company men, capable of navigating big institutions.

 

Demographics played a role as well: By 1900 American women had half as many children as they did in 1800, and those children were twice as likely to live through infancy as they were in 1850. Ironically, as their children faced fewer dangers, parents worried more about their protection.

 

Instead of seeing boys and girls as capable, clever, knockabout scamps, many reconceived children as vulnerable, weak and naïve. Reformers introduced child labor laws, divided kids by age in school and monitored their play. Jane Addams particularly worked to fit children into the new industrial order, condemning “this stupid experiment of organizing work and failing to organize play.”

 

There was good reason to tame the boys and girls of the 19th century, if only for stray cats’ sake. But somewhere between Jane Addams and Nancy Grace, Americans lost track of their larger goal. Earlier parents raised their kids to express values their society trumpeted.

 

“Precocious” 19th-century troublemakers asserted their parents’ democratic beliefs and fit into an economy that had little use for 8-year-olds but idealized striving, self-made men. Reformers designed their Boy Scouts to meet the demands of the 20th century, teaching organization and rebalancing the relationship between play and work. Both movements agreed, in their didactic ways, that playtime shaped future citizens.

 

Does the overprotected child articulate values we are proud of in 2014? Nothing is easier than judging other peoples’ parenting, but there is a side of contemporary American culture — fearful, litigious, controlling — that we do not brag about but that we reveal in our child rearing, and that runs contrary to our self-image as an open, optimistic nation. Maybe this is why sheltering parents come in for so much easy criticism: A visit to the playground exposes traits we would rather not recognize.

 

There is, however, a saving grace that parents will notice this summer. Kids are harder to guide and shape, as William Dean Howells put it, “than grown people are apt to think.” It is as true today as it was two centuries ago: “Everywhere and always the world of boys is outside of the laws that govern grown-up communities.” Somehow, they’ll manage to go their own way.

 

________________________________

 

A National Endowment for the Humanities fellow at the Massachusetts Historical Society who is writing a book on the role of young people in 19th-century American democracy.

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Investigating Family's Wealth, China's Leader Signals a Change

From The New York Times 

By CHRISTOPHER DREW and JAD MOUAWAD

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HONG KONG — His son landed contracts to sell equipment to state oil fields and thousands of filling stations across China. His son’s mother-in-law held stakes in pipelines and natural gas pumps from Sichuan Province in the west to the southern isle of Hainan. And his sister-in-law, working from one of Beijing’s most prestigious office buildings, invested in mines, property and energy projects.

 

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A visitor at the Zhou family's ancestral graves in Xiqliantou, eastern China.  Intrigue surrounds the family after a spate of arrests.  Sim Chi Yim for the New York Times
A visitor at the Zhou family's ancestral graves in Xiqliantou, eastern China. Intrigue surrounds the family after a spate of arrests. Sim Chi Yim for the New York Times

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Two hundred fifty years of slavery. Ninety years of Jim Crow. Sixty years of separate but equal. Thirty-five years of racist housing policy. Until we reckon with our compounding moral debts, America will never be whole.

 

By Ta-Nehisi Coates

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  1. I. “So That’s Just One Of My Losses”
  2. II.  “A Difference of Kind, Not Degree”
  3. III. “We Inherit Our Ample Patrimony”
  4. IV. “The Ills That Slavery Frees Us From”
  5. V. The Quiet Plunder
  6. VI. Making The Second Ghetto
  7. VII. “A Lot Of People Fell By The Way”
  8. VIII. “Negro Poverty is not White Poverty”
  9. IX. Toward A New Country
  10. X. “There Will Be No ‘Reparations’ From Germany”
0 Comments

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02

Jun

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A Look At 19th Century Children In The USA

PHILADELPHIA — DINNER with your children in 19th-century America often required some self-control. Berry stains in your daughter’s hair? Good for her. Raccoon bites running up your boy’s arms? Bet he had an interesting day.

 

As this year’s summer vacation begins, many parents contemplate how to rein in their kids. But there was a time when Americans pushed in the opposite direction, preserved in Mark Twain’s cat-swinging scamps. Parents back then encouraged kids to get some wildness out of their system, to express the republic’s revolutionary values.

The New York Times

Sunday Review

By JON GRINSPAN MAY 31, 2014

 

A late 19th century family taking a stroll down a set of railroad tracks
A late 19th century family taking a stroll down a set of railroad tracks

Read More 0 Comments

Mon

21

Apr

2014

Investigating Family's Wealth, China's Leader Signals a Change

From The New York Times 

By CHRISTOPHER DREW and JAD MOUAWAD

APRIL 19, 2014

 

HONG KONG — His son landed contracts to sell equipment to state oil fields and thousands of filling stations across China. His son’s mother-in-law held stakes in pipelines and natural gas pumps from Sichuan Province in the west to the southern isle of Hainan. And his sister-in-law, working from one of Beijing’s most prestigious office buildings, invested in mines, property and energy projects.

 

In thousands of pages of corporate documents describing these ventures, the name that never appears is his own: Zhou Yongkang, the formidable Chinese Communist Party leader who served as China’s top security official and the de facto boss of its oil industry.





A visitor at the Zhou family's ancestral graves in Xiqliantou, eastern China.  Intrigue surrounds the family after a spate of arrests.  Sim Chi Yim for the New York Times
A visitor at the Zhou family's ancestral graves in Xiqliantou, eastern China. Intrigue surrounds the family after a spate of arrests. Sim Chi Yim for the New York Times

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