05. February 2011

TIMELINE: Revolt in the Middle East and North Africa To Feb 4

Friday, January 28, 2011 | 6:10 p.m.

The fast-paced events in Tunisia, Egypt, and elsewhere in northern Africa and the Middle East during the past month or so can be confusing and hard to follow. Below is a basic outline of what has happened.

February 4

JORDAN -- Although hundreds of people staged an anti-government protest against newly installed Prime Minister Marouf al-Bahkit, the country's main Islamic opposition group said it wants to give him some time to carry out reforms.
SYRIA -- No protesters showed up for a planned demonstration in the capital, Damascus. Who did show up were plainclothes police deployed in key areas of the Syrian capital.

February 3

EGYPT -- Newly appointed Vice President Omar Suleiman told Egyptians in a nationwide television address that the protesters' demands are "legitimate" and that he has set up a "road map" to implement those demands.

The New York Times reported that the White House is discussing a plan with Egyptian authorities by which President Hosni Mubarak would step down immediately and new Vice President Omar Suleiman would lead a transitional government.
YEMEN -- A "Day of Rage" with more than 20,000 protesters in the nation's capital ended peacefully today, though the protest's organizers promised to return each Thursday until President Ali Abdullah Saleh steps down.
ALGERIA -- President Abdelaziz Bouteflika announced today that he would soon lift the nation's almost 20-year-old state of emergency, a key demand of protesters who march on the nation's capital.

February 2

EGYPT -- A least one person was killed and 403 people were injured today during clashes between pro- and anti-government crowds in Ciaro and Alexandria, according to Egypt's Health minister, Ahmed Hosni.

Meanwhile, White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs said today at a press conference that the violence in Egypt must stop and that President Hosni Mubarak must begin his transition out of power now.
YEMEN -- President Ali Abdullah Saleh announced that he wouldn't seek reelection or seek to transfer power to his son when Saleh's term ends in 2013. Despite his announcement, protesters still planned for a "Day of Rage" protest Thursday.
JORDAN -- Despite the appointment this week of Maruf Bakhit as prime minister with a mandate to introduce "true" political reforms, the Islamic Action Front, the country's largest political group, is organizing a mass protest Friday to mark Bakhit's appointment.
SYRIA -- About 11,000 peole joined The Syrian Revolution 2011's Facebook page, on which is a call for a day of protest Friday.

February 1

EGYPT -- On Egyptian national television, President Hosni Mubarak announced that he will not seek another term as president, but will stay on until elections are held.

Hundreds of thousands of Egyptians poured into the streets of Cairo demanding an end to Murbarak's presidency.
JORDAN -- King Abdullah II fired his government and charged his new prime minister, Marouf al-Bakhit, to pursue political reforms to "correct the mistakes of the past."

January 31

EGYPT -- The State Department is demanding the release of six detained Al-Jazeera journalists who were arrested today by Egyptian authorities. “We are concerned by the shutdown of Al-Jazeera in Egypt and arrest of its correspondents. Egypt must be open and the reporters released,” State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley tweeted this morning.

The State Department also announced plans to evacuate at least 900 Americans from Egypt today and additional Americans tomorrow. About 500 were evacuated by mid-afternoon eastern time, and at least 1,200 Americans were evacuated by the end of the day.

Meanwhile, the Muslim Brotherhood declared its "total rejection of the new cabinet" that was sworn in today.

New Egyptian Vice President Omar Suleiman said on state television late Monday that he had been authorized to start talking with the opposition to work out constitutional and political reforms, according to The New York Times, which reported that "it was not immediately clear who Mr. Suleiman was addressing his offer to, or whether the opposition would accept."

Also, the Egyptian military announced that it will not use force during the called for February 1 "march of millions" in Cairo.
ALGERIA -- More than 10,000 protesters dispersed peacefully in the northern town of Bejaia after shouting "Tunisia-inspired slogans," according to the AFP news organization.

Elsewhere in Algeria, a pro-democracy group announced plans to march on Algiers on February 12.
YEMEN -- Thousands of protesters gathered in two rural areas of the country to voice opposition to President Ali Abdullah Saleh's ruling party. Opposition groups announced country-wide demonstrations on Thursday.

January 30

EGYPT -- Egyptian opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei arrived at the center of the political unrest in Cairo as protesters engaged in a standoff with the military. ElBaradei said on American television news shows that President Obama should hasten calls for President Hosni Mubarak to step down, saying the 30-year Egyptian leader possesses no credibility as a democratic reformer.

In Washington, D.C., Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton insisted American interests jibe with the protesters calling for new leadership and further decoupled the Obama administration from Mubarak. Clinton stopped short of advocating that Mubarak relinquish power but did call for “an orderly transition to meet the democratic and economic needs of the people.”

Also in Washington, Sen. John McCain called for the Obama administration to step up its level of engagement, saying Egypt’s political unrest represents a dangerous fuse that could detonate into radicalism.

January 29

EGYPT -- Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak named intelligence chief Omar Suleiman vice president of Egypt. Suleiman is the first person appointed to the position since Mubarak took office in 1981. Suleiman has long been considered a likely successor to Mubarak, according to profiles in The Atlantic, Foreign Policy and The Los Angeles Times.

In Washington, D.C., protesters gathered outside the Egyptian embassy, waving Egyptian flags and calling for the Mubarak's resignation.
YEMEN -- A small anti-government protest turned violent as protesters, who were marching to the Egyptian embassy in the capital San'a, clashed with security forces.

January 28

EGYPT -- ElBaradei, who is later placed under house arrest, and his supporters were attacked by security forces after Friday prayers. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton urged both the Egyptian government and protesters to show restraint. The protesters ignored a government-imposed curfew. The government cut Internet connections in the country. Late in the day, Mubarak announced he would fire his government and bring on a new Cabinet to try to meet the nation's cry for change. Following Mubarak's announcement, President Obama spoke with Mubarak on the phone and delivered his own statement, calling for protesters and the government to refrain from violence and on Mubarak to keep his promises of reform.

January 27

EGYPT -- ElBaradei returned to Egypt from his home in Vienna calling on Mubarak to quit.

YEMEN -- Tens of thousands of protesters marched on the capital against President Saleh.

January 26

TUNISIA -- Tunisia asked Interpol to help arrest Ben Ali and his family so they can be tried for theft and currency offences, the justice minister said.

January 24

TUNISIA -- Politicians began negotiations on the creation of a council to oversee the interim government. Its task would be to protect the "Jasmine" revolution that toppled Ben Ali.

January 23

YEMEN -- Hundreds of students and activists gathered at Yemen’s Sanaa University, most of whom were calling for Yemen’s President Ali Abdullah Saleh to step down. The smaller group of protesters called for the president to stay.

EGYPT -- Younger members of Egypt’s opposition Muslim Brotherhood indicated that they would participate in the January 25 protests.

January 22

TUNISIA -- Protesters again demand that Ghannouchi and other Ben Ali protégés go. Policemen, once the bulwark of Ben Ali's rule, demonstrate in Tunis, saying they too were victims.

ALGERIA -- At least 42 people were injured during clashes between protesters, who were defying a government ban, and Algerian police, who blocked a march on the country’s parliament building.

January 20

EGYPT -- An Egyptian Facebook group called for street protests on January 25. Additional self-immolations take place.

January 21

TUNISIA -- After a day of protests against the old guard's presence in the new cabinet, Ghannouchi promises to retire as soon as elections are held.

January 19

TUNISIA -- After the first cabinet meeting, the government offers amnesty to all political groups.

January 18

TUNISIA -- Some opposition figures quit the cabinet, demanding the removal of former Ben Ali loyalists. Protesters denounce the "sham."

EGYPT -- Egyptian former United Nations nuclear weapons chief Mohamed ElBaradei warns in an interview with the Guardian newspaper of a “Tunisia-style explosion” in Egypt.

January 17

TUNISIA -- Ghannouchi appoints opposition figures to a new national unity coalition and says he will free political prisoners.

EGYPT -- At least two men set themselves on fire, echoing Bouazizi’s December 17 protest in Tunisia.

January 16

REGIONAL -- Speculation increases that, inspired by what happened in Tunisia, other countries in the region—including Algeria, Syria, Jordan, and Egypt—will face similar opposition protests.

EGYPT -- Thousands of protesters streamed into the streets of Cairo chanting “Ben Ali, tell Mubarak a plane is waiting for him too,” referring to Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.

January 14

TUNISIA -- After days of clashes in which dozens are killed and having made empty promises of reforms and elections, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali flees to Saudi Arabia. Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi stays, with the ruling party’s parliamentary speaker as interim president.

January 4, 2011

TUNISIA -- Bouazizi died of his burns, after which his funeral added momentum to protests against unemployment and repression. The protests spread to other parts of the country.

December 17, 2010

TUNISIA -- Mohamed Bouazizi set fire to himself in the central Tunisian town of Sidi Bouzid to protest police confiscation of his vegetable cart. His act led to local demonstrations in support.

Sources: Reuters, Los Angeles Times, BBC, The Guardian, CNN International, New York Times, AFP, WSJ.com

Tags: Roger, OI-Lists, 11feb, Egypt, Tunisia, Egyupr

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Fri

Nov

2015

Are Languages Products of their Environment?

shutterstock_222422665_151112

DISCOVER MAGAZINE published this very interesting article:

Languages Are Products of Their Environments

The characteristics that make each language unique may actually be adaptations to the acoustics of different environments.

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Thu

Jun

2014

Fun with Newspaper Headlines

Newspaper Headlinigs

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Tue

Jun

2014

The Case for Reparations

The Case for Reparations

Two hundred fifty years of slavery. Ninety years of Jim Crow. Sixty years of separate but equal. Thirty-five years of racist housing policy. Until we reckon with our compounding moral debts, America will never be whole.

By Ta-Nehisi Coates

May 21, 2014

Chapters

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Mon

Jun

2014

A Look At 19th Century Children In The USA

PHILADELPHIA — DINNER with your children in 19th-century America often required some self-control. Berry stains in your daughter’s hair? Good for her. Raccoon bites running up your boy’s arms? Bet he had an interesting day.

As this year’s summer vacation begins, many parents contemplate how to rein in their kids. But there was a time when Americans pushed in the opposite direction, preserved in Mark Twain’s cat-swinging scamps. Parents back then encouraged kids to get some wildness out of their system, to express the republic’s revolutionary values.

The New York Times

Sunday Review

By JON GRINSPAN MAY 31, 2014

A late 19th century family taking a stroll down a set of railroad tracks

American children of the 19th century had a reputation. Returning British visitors reported on American kids who showed no respect, who swore and fought, who appeared — at age 10 — “calling for liquor at the bar, or puffing a cigar in the streets,” as one wrote. There were really no children in 19th-century America, travelers often claimed, only “small stuck-up caricatures of men and women.”

This was not a “carefree” nation, too rough-hewed to teach proper manners; adults deliberately chose to express new values by raising “go-ahead” boys and girls. The result mixed democracy and mob rule, assertiveness and cruelty, sudden freedom and strict boundaries. Visitors noted how American fathers would brag that their disobedient children were actually “young republicans,” liberated from old hierarchies. Children were still expected to be deferential to elders, but many were trained to embody their nation’s revolutionary virtues. “The theory of the equality” was present at the ballot box, according to one sympathetic Englishman, but “rampant in the nursery.”

Boys, in particular, spent their childhoods in a rowdy outdoor subculture. After age 5 or so they needed little attention from their mothers, but were not big enough to help their fathers work. So until age 10 or 12 they spent much of their time playing or fighting.

The writer William Dean Howells recalled his ordinary, violent Ohio childhood, immersed in his loose gang of pals, rarely catching a “glimpse of life much higher than the middle of a man.” Howells’s peers were “always stoning something,” whether friends, rivals or stray dogs. They left a trail of maimed animals behind them, often hurt in sloppy attempts to domesticate wild pets.

And though we envision innocents playing with a hoop and a stick, many preferred “mumbletypeg” — a game where two players competed to see who could throw a knife closer to his own foot. Stabbing yourself meant a win by default.

Left to their own devices, boys learned an assertive style that shaped their futures. The story of every 19th-century empire builder — Carnegie, Rockefeller, Vanderbilt — seems to begin with a striving 10-year-old. “Boy culture” offered training for the challenges of American manhood and a reprieve before a life of labor.

But these unsupervised boys also formed gangs that harassed the mentally ill, the handicapped and racial and ethnic minorities. Boys played an outsize role in the anti-Irish pogroms in 1840s Philadelphia, the brutal New York City draft riots targeting African-Americans during the Civil War and attacks on Chinese laborers in Gilded Age California. These children did not invent the bigotry rampant in white America, but their unrestrained upbringing let them enact what their parents mostly muttered.

Their sisters followed a different path. Girls were usually assigned more of their mothers’ tasks. An 8-year-old girl would be expected to help with the wash or other physically demanding tasks, while her brother might simply be too small, too slow or too annoying to drive the plow with his father. But despite their drudgery, 19th-century American girls still found time for tree climbing, bonfire building and waterfall-jumping antics. There were few pretty pink princesses in 19th-century America: Girls were too rowdy and too republican for that.

So how did we get from “democratic sucklings” to helicopter parents? Though many point to a rise of parental worrying after the 1970s, this was an incremental change in a movement that began a hundred years earlier.

In the last quarter of the 19th century, middle-class parents launched a self-conscious project to protect children. Urban professionals began to focus on children’s vulnerabilities. Well-to-do worriers no longer needed to raise tough dairymaids or cunning newsboys; the changing economy demanded careful managers of businesses or households, and restrained company men, capable of navigating big institutions.

Demographics played a role as well: By 1900 American women had half as many children as they did in 1800, and those children were twice as likely to live through infancy as they were in 1850. Ironically, as their children faced fewer dangers, parents worried more about their protection.

Instead of seeing boys and girls as capable, clever, knockabout scamps, many reconceived children as vulnerable, weak and naïve. Reformers introduced child labor laws, divided kids by age in school and monitored their play. Jane Addams particularly worked to fit children into the new industrial order, condemning “this stupid experiment of organizing work and failing to organize play.”

There was good reason to tame the boys and girls of the 19th century, if only for stray cats’ sake. But somewhere between Jane Addams and Nancy Grace, Americans lost track of their larger goal. Earlier parents raised their kids to express values their society trumpeted.

“Precocious” 19th-century troublemakers asserted their parents’ democratic beliefs and fit into an economy that had little use for 8-year-olds but idealized striving, self-made men. Reformers designed their Boy Scouts to meet the demands of the 20th century, teaching organization and rebalancing the relationship between play and work. Both movements agreed, in their didactic ways, that playtime shaped future citizens.

Does the overprotected child articulate values we are proud of in 2014? Nothing is easier than judging other peoples’ parenting, but there is a side of contemporary American culture — fearful, litigious, controlling — that we do not brag about but that we reveal in our child rearing, and that runs contrary to our self-image as an open, optimistic nation. Maybe this is why sheltering parents come in for so much easy criticism: A visit to the playground exposes traits we would rather not recognize.

There is, however, a saving grace that parents will notice this summer. Kids are harder to guide and shape, as William Dean Howells put it, “than grown people are apt to think.” It is as true today as it was two centuries ago: “Everywhere and always the world of boys is outside of the laws that govern grown-up communities.” Somehow, they’ll manage to go their own way.

________________________________

A National Endowment for the Humanities fellow at the Massachusetts Historical Society who is writing a book on the role of young people in 19th-century American democracy.

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Mon

Apr

2014

Investigating Family's Wealth, China's Leader Signals a Change

From The New York Times

By CHRISTOPHER DREW and JAD MOUAWAD

APRIL 19, 2014

HONG KONG — His son landed contracts to sell equipment to state oil fields and thousands of filling stations across China. His son’s mother-in-law held stakes in pipelines and natural gas pumps from Sichuan Province in the west to the southern isle of Hainan. And his sister-in-law, working from one of Beijing’s most prestigious office buildings, invested in mines, property and energy projects.

In thousands of pages of corporate documents describing these ventures, the name that never appears is his own: Zhou Yongkang, the formidable Chinese Communist Party leader who served as China’s top security official and the de facto boss of its oil industry.

A visitor at the Zhou family's ancestral graves in Xiqliantou, eastern China. Intrigue surrounds the family after a spate of arrests. Sim Chi Yim for the New York Times

But President Xi Jinping has targeted Mr. Zhou in an extraordinary corruption inquiry, a first for a Chinese party leader of Mr. Zhou’s rank, and put his family’s extensive business interests in the cross hairs.

Even by the cutthroat standards of Chinese politics, it is a bold maneuver. The finances of the families of senior leaders are among the deepest and most politically delicate secrets in China. The party has for years followed a tacit rule that relatives of the elite could prosper from the country’s economic opening, which rewarded loyalty and helped avert rifts in the leadership.

Zhou Family Ties

Zhou Yongkang, a member of China’s ruling Politburo Standing Committee from 2007 to 2012, is the subject of one of the highest-level corruption investigations in the history of the People’s Republic of China. Several members of his family, over the years Mr. Zhou was in power, made investments in companies with ties to the China National Petroleum Corp., the state oil company formerly run by Mr. Zhou, although there is no evidence to show that Mr. Zhou was personally involved in the dealings.

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Fri

Nov

2015